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2026年9月14日 星期一

偽裝的改革者:破解鄧小平和蔣經國神話

 


在台北市長選舉前哨站開始烽煙四起之際,時任北市市長的蔣萬安又因為他蔣家子弟的身分,興起一波網民之間的唇槍舌戰。說實在的,台灣走出蔣介石、蔣經國兩代強人統治數十年,在六年級以上的多數國民都是經過忠黨愛國的填鴨式洗腦教育長大,因此對於蔣家,特別是蔣經國的個人評價多半是正面,甚至能庇佑子孫,為選情加分。但是,如果有空翻閱這本《偽裝的改革者》,或許能替你摘下粉紅色的眼鏡,更客觀地思考蔣家、國民黨對於治理政府的能力與功過。

對於中國大國崛起、幾乎可以和美國比肩的當下,在共產中國喊出改革開放、打開市場經濟的鄧小平,無人敢否定他的歷史定位。然而,就如同退居台灣一方的蔣經國,這兩位是否真如普羅大眾認知般,是洞燭機先的改革者?本書是直接給了否定的大叉叉。就像日本漫畫《刃牙》曾經提出的共時性,觀察全球的政治局勢時,常常會在某個特定的時間點上,由具有相似人格特質的政治人物所主政。近的來說,英國前首相鮑里斯.強生和美國總統唐納.川普就非常雷同,書中提及的鄧小平和蔣經國又是一例。他們的前任都是擁有領袖魅力的政治強人毛澤東和蔣介石,而且都曾遠赴蘇聯學習共產主義思想,在史達林眼皮下過著共產黨員的日子。而蔣經國從蘇聯共產政體所學到的統治手法,例如以黨領政、特務機關等,之後也深遠地影響了台灣中華民國的政治制度。不論是軍隊的政戰體系以及法務部調查局,當初都是源自於國民黨主席的專制統治需要而成立。相較於中國走向馬克斯主義的極權政體,蔣家父子則是打造出牢不可破的威權政體,隔海相對。

在經濟政策上,他們本質上都是計劃經濟的信徒,認為私人企業的價值不能高於國營企業,自由市場經濟應該要受到國家監理、管制。王家衛電影《一代宗師》裡的台詞有一段:「人活一世,有的成了面子,有的成了裡子,都是時勢使然。」相當適合用來形容世事變化。其實不論是鄧小平還是蔣經國,他們所身處的,都是經歷千辛萬苦才能安穩活下去的亂世。一方面要伴君如伴虎地成為領袖最信賴的接班人,另一方面得面對各方派系、大老,將自身勢力深入黨政軍,以確保自己不被推翻。

有趣的是,這兩位領袖都是打從心裡反美,但又是從美國獲得最大的助益,最終成就了當下台灣的經濟成就以及中國的大國崛起。就結果論,在中國近代史上,兩位領導人是成功的。但誠如作者余杰所言,破除這些治國神話的迷思,其實更能讓讀者理解那些看似不合理的歷史片段究竟從何而來,還能察覺當初他們基於個人私心排除異己與改變體制,反而阻礙了國家朝向更正面的發展契機。

As the Taipei mayoral election begins to heat up, the current mayor of Taipei, Chiang Wan-an, has once again become the center of heated arguments among internet users because of his family background as a member of the Chiang family. To be honest, Taiwan spent several decades under the rule of two strongmen, Chiang Kai-shek and Chiang Ching-kuo. Most people who are now in their 60s or older grew up with an education that strongly emphasized loyalty to the ruling party and love of the country. As a result, many people still have a positive view of the Chiang family, especially Chiang Ching-kuo. In fact, his reputation can even help his descendants gain support in elections. However, if you have time to read this book, *The Fake Reformer*, it may help you take off those rose-colored glasses and think more objectively about the Chiang family and the KMT, including what they did well and what they did wrong in governing Taiwan.

Today, as China has grown into a major world power that can almost stand alongside the United States, few people would deny Deng Xiaoping's place in history for launching "reform and opening up" and opening China's economy to the market. However, just like Chiang Ching-kuo, who moved to Taiwan, were these two really the great reformers that most people believe they were? This book gives that idea a big red X. As the Japanese manga *Baki* once introduced the idea of "synchronicity," when we look at political situations around the world, we often find similar types of political leaders coming to power at certain points in history. A recent example would be former British Prime Minister Boris Johnson and U.S. President Donald Trump, who are surprisingly similar in many ways. Deng Xiaoping and Chiang Ching-kuo, mentioned in this book, are another example. Their predecessors were both powerful leaders with strong personal charisma: Mao Zedong and Chiang Kai-shek. Both Deng Xiaoping and Chiang Ching-kuo also went to the Soviet Union to study communist ideas and spent time there as members of the Communist Party under Stalin's rule. Chiang Ching-kuo later brought some of the governing methods he learned from the Soviet communist system to Taiwan, such as the party's control over the government and the use of intelligence and secret police organizations. These methods had a deep influence on Taiwan's political system. Both the political warfare system in the military and the Investigation Bureau of Taiwan's Ministry of Justice were originally created to meet the needs of the KMT's authoritarian rule. While China developed into a Marxist totalitarian state, the Chiang family built a strong authoritarian state in Taiwan. The two sides were almost like two different versions of the same system across the Taiwan Strait.

In terms of economic policy, both leaders were essentially believers in a planned economy. They believed that private companies should not be more important than state-owned companies, and that the free market should be supervised and controlled by the government. There is a line from Wong Kar-wai's movie *The Grandmaster*: "In life, some people become the face, while others become the inside. It all depends on the times." I think this line is quite suitable for describing how history changes. In fact, both Deng Xiaoping and Chiang Ching-kuo lived through turbulent times when simply surviving safely was already extremely difficult. On one hand, they had to become the leaders' most trusted successors, while on the other hand, they had to deal with different political groups and powerful figures. They also had to build their own influence throughout the party, government, and military to make sure they would not be overthrown.

Interestingly, both leaders were strongly anti-American, yet they also received some of their greatest benefits from the United States. In the end, this helped create Taiwan's economic success and China's rise as a major world power. Judging by the results, both leaders were successful in modern Chinese history. But as the author, Yu Jie, points out, breaking down these political myths can actually help readers better understand where those seemingly unreasonable parts of history came from. It can also help us see that their personal interests, efforts to remove political opponents, and attempts to change the political system may have actually blocked opportunities for their countries to develop in a more positive direction.


2023年11月4日 星期六

醜陋的中國人


先別看到書名就急著跳腳或喜不自勝(端看你對對岸的觀感),這本醜陋的中國人書成自從四十年前,以那時的社會氛圍,海峽兩岸的華人大多都還自認自個是中國人。更別說作者柏楊出生一九二零年,是親身經歷過民初時代動亂的文人,想當然耳其言論與著述,用當下的時空背景去解讀是不恰當的。

全書主題環繞在柏楊一九八四年在美國講演時的主題也同於書名醜陋的中國人,他以時事評論家的口吻,指出彼時的中國國力與美日等先進國家相距甚遠,起因於長期定於一尊的儒家思想,以及他時不時提及的醬缸文化。更具體的項目,不外乎中國人們沒合作觀念、獨善其身、口是心非等群體道德上的亂象。柏楊更進一步指責儒家思想昧於人性,教條式地要求人人做聖人的假道學,讓華人社會長久處在表裡不一的雙面人心態。明明愛錢愛的要死,嘴巴還唸著君子何必曰利。

全書三分之二收錄柏楊論敘他的醬缸文化的相關文章,截錄自那時各海外報章的專欄投書。一連看下來像是聽著一位老先生話閘子打開扯東罵西。不過書籍編輯倒也是挺有觀念的,帶著媒體平衡報導的精神,穿插著反對柏楊觀點的反駁文章。看兩邊你來我往唇槍舌戰,有如四十年前的PTT,好不精彩。從他們之前的筆戰中,其實可以發現時下的台灣真的是進步許多,可惜柏楊已逝,看不到兩岸的華人,用各自的方法,不斷地改善物質與文化上的不足和缺失,在世界的舞台中走出自己的路,民主、自由和人權在台灣也逐漸變成主流價值。

2019年9月18日 星期三

中國:潰而不崩


不可諱言,廿一世紀是屬於中國人的世紀。當歐美先進國家邁入社經發展的高原期因而停滯不前的時候,中國藉由龐大的勞動力和相對低廉的工資,以「世界工廠」的角色,精準地切入全球資本主義的大網絡中。連年打破經濟成長率的紀錄,飛快地成長、茁壯,短短十來年間已成為世界第二大經濟體。有錢就是大爺,連帶著中國人這幾年走出海外,講話是一個比一個大聲。然而風光的背後,付出的社會成本卻非常驚人。

「中國:潰而不崩」是一本「內行看門道」的中國政經入門書,直白地讓讀者們去體會現下中國在制度面的困境。作者開頭就破題指出,雖然許多海外異議人士和組織都期待著中國共產政權在短期內瓦解。但從大局來看,中國將會以一種「潰而不崩」的姿態,苟延殘息撐下去。這十多年來犧牲了「環境生態」、「道德倫理」以及「國民基本生存條件」等文明社會必備的核心要素,讓廣大基層民眾在貧窮線邊緣載浮載沉,經濟成長的成果盡歸極少數政經權貴。更甚者,為了確保「共產黨資本主義」的長治久安,對國家施加高壓嚴管的極權統治,視基本人權如無物。

近二十年的經濟發展,雖然在東南沿海經濟發達的省份,有啟蒙中國公民對人權的重視。但總來說,越來越富的中國,不如大家推測的會「衣食足而知榮辱」。它反而選擇的是一條更保守、專制的道路,偏偏伴隨著大數據科技的進步,中國政府更是如虎添翼般,鋪天蓋地的阻斷一切可能的動亂「火種」。新聞自由、出版自由和言論自由的空間極遽縮減,國家的經濟實力與公民人權的極不相稱,讓期待中國能從「量變」轉化成「質變」的自由派人士,通通跌破眼鏡。

「中國:潰而不崩」從各個角度切入「共產黨資本主義」在中國社會造成的危害,內容都是台灣媒體不曾有過的深入剖析。在台灣討論中國問題時,肯定先看顏色然後決定各自立場,很難客觀討論出是非對錯。然而不論是讀者的態度是「親中」或是「反中」,都能透過這本書,看到現階段中國政權從根本上的問題。有別於「中國奇蹟的句點」純粹從經濟的角度點出中國的各項經濟病症。「中國:潰而不崩」則是以政治面的觀點來分析近年來中國的政經情勢的變化。不論是習近平和薄熙來的政爭、一帶一路的雷聲大雨點小和最近的P2P金融泡沫等事件,書中都提供了清晰而合乎情理的解釋和說法,而這些內容都是台灣紅色媒體不曾/不想告訴你的事。

大凡一個王朝的隕落,總是一再出現相同的病徵。滿朝充斥著謀求私利的貪官汙吏,利用國家力量壓制著翻不了身的基層百姓,而這些描述越來越吻合現代中國的社會現況。逆耳多是忠言,未來的發展端看對岸政權有沒有大智慧破舊立新了。

2019年9月9日 星期一

政談:江戶幕府嚴禁公開的惡魔統治術


日本動漫的軟實力獨步全球,即使是社會科學的知普叢書,也可以看畫給成年人看的漫畫書。「政談:江戶幕府嚴禁公開的惡魔統治術」算是輕簿短小,半小時就可以翻閱完,讀者可以看到一種罕為人知的「經世治民」觀點以及「推演」而來的施政成果。

故事設定在類現代的科幻世界,日本國因為政局僵固失能,決定把國家統治權全權交由A.I.,期望藉由人工智慧「SORAI」的帶領之下,解決國內經濟景氣萎糜、高失業率、高犯罪率等內政問題。讀者則是以上帝觀點跟在身處經濟中下階層的主人翁旁,來體會一連串「A.I.新政」的施行,怎麼從具體而微地改變國民的生活。而A.I.新政的核心觀點是發自於江戶時代的思想家「荻生徂徠」,其中不少作法就現在來看都稍嫌前衛,更遑論遠在百年前的江戶時期,也因此該學說當時並沒有幕府採用。

「政談」目的在以古論今,書中描述的政策是為了解決、改善今日社會的一些頑疾。像「貧富差距拉大」、「官二代」、「一味追求便宜的消費主義」、「重商主義」以及「用人唯親」等等,是擴跨了政治、經濟、社會各層面的結構性問題,也沒有什麼「藥到病除」的解決方案。故事中A.I.跳躍式地提出一些有「社會主義」味道的統治條例,針對上述議題進行矯正。作者當然不會自打嘴巴說這些「新政」無效,因此故事中的「SORAI」就像是救世主一樣漸漸地讓國家走上正軌。

全書確實在簡短的篇幅中提出有新意的「制度」嘗試改善種種為人詬病的社會陋習。但這些「創意」大多禁不起更仔細的推敲,過度簡化問題的複雜度與「徒法不足以自行」的現實。從大格局來看,它有如在推行一種「小國寡民」陶淵明似的美好國度。利用法律政令的強制力,規範國民行事舉行像是禮運大同篇所說的「男有分、女有歸」。然而實情卻是剝奪公民的居住自由、參政權,進行商品管制(干預售價),主權營利事業的人事權等。說難聽點根本就是倒行逆施的反民主法治的做法,也難怪書名副標為「惡魔統治術」。從上到下的嚴格控制人民可以做什麼、不能做什麼,感覺就披上了名為A.I外衣的獨裁政權。

書中的立論有很多需要斟酌之處,不過也由於它是以漫畫的形式呈現,當做頭腦體操的易開罐飲料,買來看看也不吃虧。

2018年4月6日 星期五

公門菜鳥飛:一個年輕公務員的革新理想


在台灣要找到對政府施政能讚不絕口的人,應該是屈指可數吧。畢竟歷經了兩、三次的政黨輸替後,不論是藍綠兩黨的執政表現,都是很難讓人用滿意來形容。

除了民政服務單位外,一般市井小民實在很難一窺公務部門的運作機制。這本《公門菜鳥飛》提供了一個簡便的切入點,讓外界能瞭解進而理解公務員的柴米油鹽。雖然將問題簡化成「千錯萬錯都是政府怠惰」、「公務員都是不做事的米蟲」能讓小老百姓有一時的情緒出口。但對於各項問題的解決和改善,卻沒有任何實質上的助益。不滿政府在執行政策上的滿頇與緩慢,或許可以先由瞭解公門中人的思考模式做為起點,找出雙方對話的適切頻率。

其實書中所講述的一些造成公務人員效益不彰的牽制因素,在私人企業也無法避免地時常遇見。為考核而考核的KPI、重視數字指標忽略核心精神的執行態度,都是讓事情只能做完,但不能做好的原因。大把的時間用在應付民代、上級長管交辨的事務,讓公務員從人民的公僕轉型成上級的僕人。瑣碎的考核、報告與會議,佔據了第一線人員的工作時間,有意義的事做不了,無意義的事做不完。加上專業外包讓公務員喪失磨練的機會,導致為廠商馬首是瞻,無法累積核心職能的情況下,別說主導創新,連基本的廠商稽核都力有未逮。這些描述真的讓身在私部門的我不禁失笑,台灣的組織文化或許在公、私部門之間有種另類的默契。

這本書推薦給關心台灣這塊土地的社會中堅,畢竟政治為管理眾人之事,一舉一動都能牽累你我日常生活。只有政府職能的日益改善,我們才能有機會過好日子。雖然無法一夜之間美夢成真,但相互理解至少是跨出了第一步。如果家裡有小孩又期待他們去考公家機關的家長,更一定要買一本來詳細閱讀,好歹也知道是把自家小孩推向那種火坑(笑)

In Taiwan, it is probably hard to find many people who have nothing but praise for the government's performance. After all, after two or three changes of political parties in power, it is difficult to describe the performance of either the blue or green party as truly satisfying.

Except for the public service offices that ordinary people have to deal with, it is actually very difficult for most people to understand how government agencies work. This book, **《公門菜鳥飛》**, provides a simple way to get started and helps people outside the government understand the everyday life of civil servants. It may give ordinary people a temporary way to vent their anger by simply saying, "The government is always to blame" or "Civil servants are all lazy people who do nothing." But this does not really help solve or improve any of these problems. If we are unhappy about the government's slow and inefficient way of carrying out policies, perhaps the first step is to understand how people inside the government think and find a better way for both sides to communicate.

In fact, some of the factors mentioned in the book that make civil servants less effective can also be found in private companies. KPIs that exist only because someone needs to evaluate employees, and an attitude that focuses too much on numbers while forgetting the real purpose of the work, are both reasons why things may get done but not done well. A great deal of time is spent dealing with elected representatives and handling requests from higher-level managers. As a result, civil servants gradually change from being "public servants" who serve the people into "servants of their bosses." Small-scale evaluations, reports, and meetings take up so much of the frontline staff's working time that they cannot finish the meaningful work, while they can never finish all the meaningless work. On top of that, outsourcing professional work takes away opportunities for civil servants to develop their own skills. They end up following contractors' decisions instead of leading the work themselves. Without the chance to build up their own core skills, it is hard to expect them to lead innovation. Sometimes, they may even struggle to carry out basic inspections of contractors. These descriptions really made me, as someone working in the private sector, laugh. Perhaps there is a strange kind of understanding between the public and private sectors when it comes to Taiwan's organizational culture.

I would recommend this book to people who care about Taiwan and its future. After all, politics is about managing matters that affect everyone, and every decision made by the government can have an impact on our daily lives. Only by continuously improving the government's ability to serve the people can we have a better chance of living better lives. Our dreams may not come true overnight, but mutual understanding is at least a first step. And if you are a parent with children and hope they will one day take a government job, you should definitely buy a copy and read it carefully. At the very least, you will know what kind of "fire pit" you are pushing your own children into. (LOL)